From the 1930s to the present day, as a result of my objective toward the end, I would value the social interaction in various parts of the century, according to the changes in historical and social context and in the type of the world of our society. It was one of my main concerns when it came in relation to my physical functions, in this particular case,

building a vision, being included in the concept of my dwelling, and human interactions in space, whether between individuals or groups. Both. What continues at the table is the ability to distinguish between individuals and groups by interacting with each other, and in multiple ways.

Indeed, if you look at our manhood walls, the way we organized human activities in space was already a need to define social norms and social narratives. Inside the house, and ultimately enough to do an organized environment, functions is what specially organizes social norms.

We can clearly see this on this slide, presenting the values of primitive types. For example, woman's place is deeply connected to activity they are expected to carry on. Twice, I don't know it, twice, the place themselves tends to be eaten, while,

most importantly, the place is close to the entrance, as well as the guest. As architecture evolves, these definitions remain more complex and not collected spaces, but social roles are still specially designed.

In the study of space, we can explain the crucial role of being able to analyze architectural functions as an organized and automated interaction. Even though, up to this point, it wasn't also a great essential part of the spatial analogy,

we felt that, instead of a space that is provided directly to the basis in practical instruments, we meant a part of the entity with a metapod analysis, with assumptions as its basis. I will now try to explain the results of the metapod analysis, and then compare the examples of its explanation.

This is the typical apartment plan of one of the gates that is now analyzed, which, for the architectural complexity and scale of the projects, was very important for its development.

This allowed me to face problems that were present in smaller gates. The apartment itself is simple enough to explain the process, while allowing it to take time to take some conclusions. First, I had to identify the functions of dwelling, taking into account that they are not unique to each of the apartments,

but are also found on different scales, in buildings, neighborhoods, and city. No functions are defined as inherent to the determinant scale of dwelling. Instead, the relation between the form of the apartment and that of the neighborhood, for example, is understood based on functions present within each scale. An extreme example of these are the bathrooms.

While they didn't increase in some of the older gates I studied, it doesn't mean they weren't necessary, but that the function had to become somewhere outside the house. Less extreme, but a lot more interesting is, for example, the existence or not of social areas outside the interior of the apartment.

These functions always appear associated with particular rooms or more or less defined spaces, particularly when we're talking about outside places like classic areas like buildings, gardens, squares, etc.

The sum of the space where the bedroom exists does make me construct the idea of what I call area function. In this case, I define area functions for writing.

The five bedrooms in red, small and mutually separated from the others. Then I define area functions for writing, all associated with the right of bedrooms. I define area functions for socializing or eating, the living room and the dining room,

and also for boundaries, even those variables, and then the service area functions, the kitchen and the bathroom.

The areas that are not directly associated with one particular function, such as all these corridors and lots of other functions, the kitchen spaces, were not analyzing themselves, but only as connected between different area functions.

After identifying area functions, I can then deal with this study in the history part of density, of visibility and movement.

On the first line are represented the densities in meters for the inheritance of the areas of the house. It was possible for me to find the real number of units for each study, and so I always use the number of bedrooms plus one, counting one of the bedrooms a thousand years ago.

Also, because bedrooms are usually used mostly by people sleeping in them, the density values are calculated keeping it in mind. It can be seen in much larger numbers inside bedrooms than for the rest of the house. I have 15 square meters per unit here because I only count one person there,

and four eights here because I count seven minutes in the living room. Having bedroom to the home to only one or two people allowed me to better understand the dynamic between private and collective spaces.

Of course, this is much to work in housing for middle class and for lower classes, where it is very likely that the utmost people share the same bedroom. The second line, so far beyond this, is the mixed area function of the breakfast house using activities. In this case, the living area function, the living area function, are usually very connected,

but the rest of the apartment is at the compartment with a complex core that ensures the privacy of the area function. The mobility graph represents the connection of the apartment function with holes. The analysis of the relations of density with the mobility

allows me to quantify the way each area function relates to each one of the others and the state of all the others, and therefore to understand how likely a new art way means individuals associated with different functions working with their activities and others. I apologize that certain names are really Portuguese, but they are very similar in English, so I think you can understand it.

I conflected these relations into the four concepts of social interaction that could be understood of each area function. General integration is the first one, where the more verbal, binary function is in relation to all the others,

the more it sees and it sees, and the less dense it is, the more it is generally integrated in the spatial system, control, etc., where more binary functions can affect the others, the more it sees of others,

and the deeper it is from the outside, the greater it is controlled by social interaction with privacy, where less binary functions can be seen by others, less vulnerabilities in relation to false relationships, the greater its control is, the more private it is, and segregation, where less binary functions can be seen by the others,

the same system, less accessibility, the denser it is, the less control it has over the system, the more segregated it is. These are the plans of privacy, the plans of segregation, the plans of study of fractions. Lighter spaces are, in both cases, less, more private, and more segregated.

So we can see that we have a more private area, lighter, and less private area, and a more segregated one, the service area, that is so segregated by these two red and white,

and that is opposed to a very unseparated room, which is not very common. The other scales were analyzed using the same logic. Here we can see that the first part line of the building,

which is part of this opening and final to the room, where I defined a list of service and commercial private engines. The policy was made with a reflection of case studies,

with a document that essentially describes the method tried to be representative. This is very important, not only because it should represent other cases from the same products that I did not have the opportunity to study, but also because they were, to a certain extent, studied before. Selective social functions were more or less known, and were more or less a part of general architectural goals,

which allowed me to confront results and themes with pre-acquired expectations. Regarding how the balance of social interaction varied throughout the century, it was possible to conclude with the analysis of case studies, and from a co-position of privacy and segregation values,

and different scales throughout time, that there was a progressive unionization of family and apartments, which segregated the outside. At the same time, when, in later decades of the century of century, both public and private rooms in the house were abandoned by the engines outside the apartment,

the balance of segregation of the outside and the scale of the building also lowered. Even though the objective of the analysis of case studies was mostly to understand the general tendencies of the studied time frame, it was also possible to discover some new realities. These seem not to be simply formal anomalies, but they appear in periods where architects are specially aware of their goals,

and consciously in the ideological position to be able to, in context, in the context of complexities and contradictions of the determined historical context,

and the bright power of police policy was at least the specific responses of their time. The first case study I'm going to show was a case located inside the time period where architects were specially poised to be active in discovering a new way out of building housing.

To illustrate what this can be and better understand the use of method, I'm going to talk about the development. In this particular case, a modernist labor of social housing of the 1950s,

dark tech, German platform, set yet the objective to allow only the medium of private life. Indeed, the analysis of the relationships between carrier functions of labor seemed to indicate that it was successful in reason. There is even what was verified in the study by the time frame, housing buildings,

which are now named R.E., are the more separated parts of the complex. They bring the collective functions outside, while the whole city, named R.C., show a relatively small balance of privacy and segregation.

Another critical is the one presented here, which is exactly the opposite of the last case. This is especially curious because the architects of the previous case had a very big role in movement in this project.

Here, in a post-revolutionary period, the architects tried to claim working class rights within the CT center and working close parts to meet with future inhabitants of the project. However, not only is the patient inside the CT box is translated in great balance of separation from the whole CT, it also appears as the only case of state-funded housing

where a post-degraded area functions its kitchen, which is usually only verified in authorized housing, especially when it was ordinary and permanent. I hope to have shown a bit about what my process was and the possibilities of this kind of analysis.

Thank you.