Hittite – Syntax, Part 5
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Transkript: Englisch(automatisch erzeugt)
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Welcome to our fifth presentation on heated syntax. This presentation concerns word order and discourse structure. Topics that we will cover today include the typology of word order, the function of initial verbs, the order within nominal constituents, the role of sentence connectives
00:20
and some general remarks on discourse structure. In discussing discourse factors, two things must be kept in mind. First, discourse factors influence word order in hetite only to a limited extent, given the tendency of the verb to always occur in the same fixed position. More importantly, understanding the role of discourse
00:41
factors is a difficult task because of the nature of our knowledge of the hetite language, which is based on much more limited evidence and more restricted as to text types than other Indo-European languages, such as Indo-Aryan, Latin or Greek. According to Joseph Greenberg, languages can be divided into types
01:01
depending on the basic order of constituents in transitive sentences when they are uttered without any special intonation. Three types are the most frequent. The first type is VSO with initial verb. The second type is SOVO as English, for example, in which the verb occurs between the subject and the object.
01:22
And the third type is SOV with verb final. Hetite is consistent in type three with a rather rigid verb final placement. There are other features that are usually correlate with the position of the verb. With type three language, we find nominal modifiers
01:41
proposed to the noun, including adjectives, as is the case of Parkwin-Istnan, Purdov, and genitives as Nessa's Lugaluz, the King of Nessa. Verb final languages typically feature postpositions, as does Hetite, as in the case of Castipiran, Hunger,
02:02
with Piran, the postposition following the dative complement Casti. Finally, type three languages also have relative clauses proposed to their head noun. In Hetite, most relative clauses are indeed proposed, but they are of a special type, that is, they are correlatives. I will return more in detail on the structure
02:22
of relative clauses in the lessons of complex clauses. As I have said, verb final order is quite consistent, but some exceptions are attested. In particular, the verb can occur in sentence initial position, and to some extent, there can be postverbal afterthought constituents.
02:46
Let us consider this passage from a ritual. I put those in the front porch. We go inside again, holding two antisepus divinities made of wood. The antisepus divinities hold human heads
03:02
as well as spares, and their eyes are blood-stained. In the first three sentences, we find the normal order with final verbs. These sentences refer to actions that are performed in a sequence in the ritual.
03:22
Note further that in C, the verb is followed by the word gishas, of wood, wooden, which is added as an afterthought constituent to an already complete predication. In the sentence in D, the verb harwani is initial,
03:41
and precede the subject antisepus. Here, the verb initial sentence introduce a description that interrupts the sequence and provides background information, creating textual discontinuity. Note that the connective used in this case is the so-called adversative particle map,
04:00
which is frequently associated with backgrounded information. The passage continues in this slide. They are wearing purple clothes and have eye belts. Twice we bring inside the clay vessel full of tart lip, we call it blood. The palace servant puts an antisepus divinity
04:22
in the hand of the king. In the sentence in F, the verb is still initial, as it still belongs to the description of the antisepus divinities. Then the action of the ritual starts again with the sentence H, with final verb order.
04:46
We find that another sentence, E, with tarweni mat eschar, with initial verb. That again provides backgrounded information concerning one of the objects involved in the ritual, tar lip, referred to by the pronoun at.
05:03
We call it blood. Again, the connective used in this closes the particle of ma. And then again, a verb final sentence brings us back to the action of the ritual. Indefinite pronouns and negations have a special placement tendency,
05:22
as they tend to occur immediately before the verb, and thus deviate from the normal word order. Let us consider some examples. If someone speaks as follows, with an indefinite pronoun, kwiski,
05:42
he shall not perform the lutsi service with the negation nata, and no one pays a wage. When an indefinite pronoun and a negation occur, the pronoun remains preverbal and the negation precedes it, as you can see in three.
06:03
In symmetric coordination, we normally find the enclitic conjunction ya, which follows the second coordinate, as in one, lugal i munus lugal ya, to the king and the queen. The conjunction can be repeated after each coordinate, and in this case, it has the meaning both and, as in two.
06:22
But when you neither attracted the land of Hapala, nor seized it, quenta ya, hepta ya, and we have the negation, ul. This example shows that the conjunction works both at the NP level, as in one, and at the sentence level, as in two.
06:43
It must be noted that coordinating a must be kept distinct from the adversative a, because only ya germinates the preceding consonant, while the adversative a does not. Ma is only one of the several particles and connectives that in Hittite
07:01
shape the structure of discourse. In the first place, there are the sentence, initial connectives nu and ta and su. Nu is extremely frequent in the entire history of Hittite, but ta and su disappear shortly after the old Hittite period.
07:22
Nu occurs sentence initially, and typically hosts the Wackenagel critic chains, as in these two examples. Nu's mas atkan, nu war atza. Connectives, and in particular nu,
07:41
occur in two main syntactic environments, that is, between main clauses, and between a pre-posed subordinate clause and its main clause. They never occur between a main clause and a post-posed subordinate clause. But note that post-posed subordinate clauses are very rare in general.
08:05
Here we find an example of connective nu between two main clauses. Note that in this case, a connective is not even Austinclytics. The songs go back to the city of Nessa, and they are driving a donkey.
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And here is an example of nu between a pre-posed subordinate clause and its main clause. When they take the living ego, then they bring it forth, and is the critic attached to nu.
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When the subordinate clause follows the main clause, no connective occurs, as in this example. He shall provide substitution in his house until he recovers. Now let's turn to the so-called
09:01
Adversity Connective Mal. As we have already discussed in talking about Santa's initial verbs, ma is often associated with discontinuity in texts. To understand the use of this particle, let us read the following passage in which the particle signals different types
09:20
of discontinuities. When my father, Mursiri, became a god, that is when he died, my brother, Muwatalli, sat on his father's throne while I became army commander in front of my brother. So here we have three events that follow each other but feature different participants. In the first sentence,
09:42
ma occurs together with a temporal conjunction, ma-chan, to set a new temporal frame in a narrative. In the second and third sentence, ma is used to topicalize the different participants involved, that is Shesha, my brother, in B, and Amuk, I, in C.
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This is a discourse effect that is not indicated by Mu. The text continues, and he gave me the upper country to administrate, so I ruled the country. Before me, Zida's son, Armadatta, had administrated it.
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In F, again, we have another temporal level marked by ma and Piran before, in initial position. This is some background and information that is given additionally because it doesn't follow the normal course of events. Here, we have some other occurrences of ma.
10:44
The king's father sent for him, he was taken back. The king's father ordered Salmasu to take his place, but he hasn't gone yet. So here, we have a particular use of ma with PDC in his place,
11:01
that indicates that C refers to somebody else and not to the subject of the sentence. In the last sentence, the event is unexpected, and this is marked by both the sentence initial verb, paitsi, and the particle ma. Finally, the information structure
11:21
is also indicated by the particle part. This particle is enclitic and basically indicates focus on various ways. It is not a P2 particle. Instead, it is hosted by the element that it focalizes in the sentence, and it attaches to any type of constituent verbs,
11:40
nouns, and pronouns. Let us see some examples. In one, later on, he also became ill. The particle is attached to the verb and indicates that the subject also underwent the same event as some other participant introduced earlier. In two, Kesi listened to his wife only.
12:02
The particle attaches to a noun phrase, dam shu, his wife, and indicates restrictive focus. In three, I will take my own ox. The particle attaches to a possessive pronoun, amel, and the meaning of the pronoun becomes my own.
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In this lesson, we have discussed some basic facts about Hittite word order and how it can be altered for reasons connected with discourse factors. We have also seen how connectives and particles contribute to closed linkage and to the managing of discourse structure. Stay with us for the next and final lesson, in which we will conclude our journey
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into Hittite syntax with complex sentences. Thank you for your attention.